AtT iT uDe thy Al Ti TuDe: 2026

On 26th May 1949, during the Constituent Assembly debates, members of the muslim community themselves decisively rejected both reservations and separate electorates for muslims. They concluded that muslims would have adequate representation without the need for separate electoral provisions. This reflected a shared vision of unity and inclusiveness across diverse communities.

However, the reality over the last four decades tells a different story. Muslim communities across India have struggled with their political identities, both as voters and as elected representatives. Although muslims constitute approximately 14.5% of India’s population, their representation in legislative assemblies and Parliament remains disproportionately low. This underrepresentation has only worsened amid the current political climate and the rising influence of the hindutva narrative.

Contrary to the BJP-RSS portrayal of congress as a "muslim party," muslims have not voted uniformly for any single party for at least 40 years. This narrative is a political strategy benefiting BJP-RSS. The decline of congress has led many muslims to align with regional parties that have taken up minority issues and interests more assertively.

In states like Karnataka, which historically had strong muslim leadership and representation, there has been a steady decline in the number of muslim candidates receiving tickets from all political parties. While "winnability" is often cited as the reason, the real factor appears to be the fear of consolidating hindu votes against muslim candidates, driven by the vocal BJP-RSS hindutva agenda and a lack of moral courage among congress leaders in Karnataka to counter these anti-constitutional forces.

In the last assembly elections, congress allotted just 15 tickets to muslim candidates and one in a by-election, with 10 of these candidates winning, many multiple times. For a community constituting nearly 15% of the population and historically loyal to congress in Karnataka, this marginalization amounts to a betrayal. Recent remarks by Minister S.S. Mallikarjun questioning Minister Zameer Ahmed Khan’s demand for a muslim candidate’s ticket, following the vacancy created by the passing of Shamanur Shivashankarappa, exemplify this troubling attitude of exclusion. Such singling out of community leaders’ disrespects muslim voters who have loyally supported Shamanur Shivashankarappa for decades, often at the cost of their own political ambitions.

The reluctance of hindu congress leaders to support muslim candidates exposes a fragile leadership structure. When muslim leaders work hard to elect hindu congress candidates, the absence of reciprocal support highlights deepening organizational flaws within the party.

Even in muslim-majority constituencies like Davanagere south, if congress fields a hindu candidate or a relative of Shamanur Shivashankarappa, it signals discomfort with social justice issues and a lack of ideological clarity. Congress must recognize that succumbing to the BJP-RSS hindutva rhetoric it risks losing its identity as an inclusive party committed to challenging injustice.

With 140 MLAs and a strong government, congress has a historic opportunity to deliver justice to OBCs, dalits, muslims, and women by ensuring fair representation and opportunities. If it fails, the chance for meaningful change may never come again. It is time for hindu congress leaders to stop treating muslims as mere vote banks and begin sharing power genuinely.

Revisiting the ideals debated during the Constituent Assembly may awaken conscience and strengthen the resolve of Karnataka congress leaders.

Kavitha Reddy, Political Commentator